Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it. Most Burmese are familiar with the four a-gati, the four kinds of corruption. Chanda-gati, corruption induced by desire, is deviation from the right path in pursuit of bribes or for the sake of those one loves.
The award ceremony took place in her absence at Strasbourg on 10 July Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it.
Most Burmese are familiar with the four a-gati, the four kinds of corruption. Chanda-gati, corruption induced by desire, is deviation from the right path in pursuit of bribes or for the sake of those one loves. Dosa-gati is taking the wrong path to spite those against whom one bears ill will, and moga-gati is aberration due to ignorance.
But perhaps the worst of the four is bhaya-gati, for not only does bhaya, fear, stifle and slowly destroy all sense of right and wrong, it so often lies at the root of the other three kinds of corruption. Just as chanda-gati, when not the result of sheer avarice, can be caused by fear of want or fear of losing the goodwill of those one loves, so fear of being surpassed, humiliated or injured in some way can provide the impetus for ill will.
And it would be difficult to dispel ignorance unless there is freedom to pursue the truth unfettered by fear.
With so close a relationship between fear and corruption it is little wonder that in any society where fear is rife, corruption in all forms becomes deeply entrenched.
Public dissatisfaction with economic hardships has been seen as the chief cause of the movement for democracy in Burma, sparked off by the student demonstrations It is true that years of incoherent policies, inept official measures, burgeoning inflation and falling real income had turned the country into an economic shambles.
But it was more than the difficulties of eking out a barely acceptable standard of living that had eroded the patience of a traditionally good-natured, quiescent people — it was also the humiliation of a way of life disfigured by corruption and fear.
The students were protesting not just against the death of their comrades but against the denial of their right to life by a totalitarian regime which deprived the present of meaningfulness and held out no hope for the future. Some of its keenest supporters were businessmen who had developed the skills and the contacts necessary not only to survive but to prosper within the system.
But their affluence offered them no genuine sense of security or fulfillment, and they could not but see that if they and their fellow citizens, regardless of economic status, were to achieve a worthwhile existence, an accountable administration was at least a necessary if not a sufficient condition.
Emerald cool we may be As water in cupped hands But oh that we might be As splinters of glass In cupped hands. Glass splinters, the smallest with its sharp, glinting power to defend itself against hands that try to crush, could be seen as a vivid symbol of the spark of courage that is an essential attribute of those who would free themselves from the grip of oppression.
Bogyoke Aung San regarded himself as a revolutionary and searched tirelessly for answers to the problems that beset Burma during her times of trial. He exhorted the people to develop courage: Each and every one of you must make sacrifices to become a hero possessed of courage and intrepidity.
Then only shall we all be able to enjoy true freedom. Just laws do not merely prevent corruption by meting out impartial punishment to offenders. They also help to create a society in which people can fulfil the basic requirements necessary for the preservation of human dignity without recourse to corrupt practices.
Where there are no such laws, the burden of upholding the principles of justice and common decency falls on the ordinary people. In an age when immense technological advances have created lethal weapons which could be, and are, used by the powerful and the unprincipled to dominate the weak and the helpless, there is a compelling need for a closer relationship between politics and ethics at both the national and international levels.
But as long as there are governments whose authority is founded on coercion rather than on the mandate of the people, and interest groups which place short-term profits above long-term peace and prosperity, concerted international action to protect and promote human rights will remain at best a partially realized struggle.
There will continue to be arenas of struggle where victims of oppression have to draw on their own inner resources to defend their inalienable rights as members of the human family. A revolution which aims merely at changing official policies and institutions with a view to an improvement in material conditions has little chance of genuine success.
Without a revolution of the spirit, the forces which produced the iniquities of the old order would continue to be operative, posing a constant threat to the process of reform and regeneration.
It is not enough merely to call for freedom, democracy and human rights. There has to be a united determination to persevere in the struggle, to make sacrifices in the name of enduring truths, to resist the corrupting influences of desire, ill will, ignorance and fear.
Saints, it has been said, are the sinners who go on trying. So free men are the oppressed who go on trying and who in the process make themselves fit to bear the responsibilities and to uphold the disciplines which will maintain a free society.
Among the basic freedoms to which men aspire that their lives might be full and uncramped, freedom from fear stands out as both a means and an end. A people who would build a nation in which strong, democratic institutions are firmly established as a guarantee against state-induced power must first learn to liberate their own minds from apathy and fear.
Always one to practice what he preached, Aung San himself constantly demonstrated courage — not just the physical sort but the kind that enabled him to speak the truth, to stand by his word, to accept criticism, to admit his faults, to correct his mistakes, to respect the opposition, to parley with the enemy and to let people be the judge of his worthiness as a leader.
It is for such moral courage that he will always be loved and respected in Burma — not merely as a warrior hero but as the inspiration and conscience of the nation.Freedom from Fear, Aung San Suu Kyi, Penguin Books, , ISBN ; Freedom from Fear, essay by Aung San Suu Kyi; This article about an essay or essay collection is a stub.
You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. This article about a political book is a stub. Freedom, democracy, and human rights are the causes that are being fought for in the book Freedom From Fear. This book is a collection of speeches and essays of Aung San Suu Kyi's fight for human rights as well as a historical review of Burma's inheritance and forthcoming.
Freedom from Fear is a collection of essays written by Aung San Suu Kyi. In the first edition her husband, academic Michael Aris, wrote an introduction and in the second edition Archbishop Desmond Tutu also wrote an introduction.4/5.
Freedom, democracy, and human rights are the causes that are being fought for in the book Freedom From Fear. This book is a collection of speeches and essays of Aung San Suu Kyi's fight for human rights as well as a historical review of Burma's inheritance and forthcoming. Freedom from Fear is a collection of essays written by Aung San Suu Kyi.
In the first edition her husband, academic Michael Aris, wrote an introduction and in the second edition Archbishop Desmond Tutu also wrote an introduction.4/5. Freedom from Fear - collected writings from the Nobel Peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi Aung San Suu Kyi's collected writings - edited by her late husband, whom the ruling military junta prevented from visiting Burma as he was dying of cancer - reflects her greatest hopes and fears for her fellow Burmese people, and her concern about the /5(20).